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RECENT manoeuvres by Zanu PF point to bigger surprises ahead. The purported reduction of the powers of the Prime Minister is a gross violation of the Global Political Agreement (GPA).
This coupled with the recent pronouncement by the Zanu PF politburo that they will not be keeping their end of the bargain in implementing the GPA (until all targetedsanctions are removed), is a wakeup call for the MDC-T to act.
In response, the MDC-T must begin to adjust and rethink their strategy to counter these unfortunate reversals of the crucial reforms which might have seen Zimbabwe move towards democracy and prosperity. The perpetuation of violence aimed at stalling the constitution-making process underpins and highlights a glaring need for the MDC-T to strengthen their stop-gap measures in the face of a shaky transitional framework.
There are a number of points which the MDC-T must focus their energies on in order for them to carry the people’s mandate forward. The MDC-T needs to work towards strengthening and building the capacity of the party as the sole political vehicle accorded the mandate and legitimacy to lead Zimbabwe.
When Morgan Tsvangirai announced the partial disengagement, he did so from the party offices and worked from there for the duration of the disengagement. While this might seem ordinary, it highlights the crucial position of the party in the whole equation. It is only through the party that Tsvangirai and his team will be able to rally the people in the event of serious fallout in the GNU.
By party, I am not referring to that building called Harvest House whose importance I have no illusions about but which alone might not be sufficient as to constitute a political party.
By party, I mean the Harvest House, the party leadership, party membership, party discourse, and party education of the masses, party regalia, party visibility, party structures, institutions and its entire vanguard and machinery.
The party must have the capacity to engage other parties in the region. Parties in Africa will never engage civil society organisations — never. They do not uphold the crucial role of civil society as key democratising elements. It is only the MDC-T, the party — through its international relations department, that can open up avenues to other regional political parties. Only after such openings can some key technical institutions come along and work together with the party in terms of information packaging and policy articulation.
Consider South Africa for example, you cannot influence the government of South Africa unless you penetrate the ANC and other formations which constitute it — COSATU, SACP etc. Tsvangirai is the Prime Minister of Zimbabwe (although he won the elections in March) by virtue of being the President of the MDC-T not the other way round or any other way. The same applies to most of his ministers and top government officials seconded by the MDC-T. Unfortunately, the party seems to have been abandoned, as evidenced by the departure of all senior party officials to focus on government work — which justifies the call for the MDC-T not to place all their eggs in the GNU basket.
It is my contention that our democratic endeavours have not yielded enough to satisfy our aspirations. The situation is not yet ripe. Zanu PF is still on the war path violating every clause they ought to uphold. This is not to say that civil society must not criticise corruption in the MDC-T and any other vices that might emerge.
However, criticising the MDC is different from divorcing it. The broader goal of democratisation is shared and I do not see why the democratic forces should not join hands to attain this noble goal.
The broader goal of democratisation is shared and I do not see why the democratic forces should not join hands to attain this noble goal.
In South Africa, the labour movement is part and parcel of the ANC but we all know what they are capable of doing if the workers’ rights or privileges have been undermined. Imagine if the ANC and COSATU had been at parallels in the transitional period in South Africa. Perhaps the rainbow nation with which South Africans pride themselves would not have been born. In short, there is need for all to work towards strengthening and supporting the MDC-T to get rid of the bigger enemy of democracy — Zanu PF.
Secondly, the MDC-T must take the people of Zimbabwe along in their strategy and tactics — reporting back to, informing and consulting the people on the broader strategy and moves. The people remain the cornerstone of the MDC’s existence and claim to legitimacy. The people of Zimbabwe have been steadfast in authoring their future away from Zanu PF.
Since 1999, they have courageously and consistently voted for change. They have spoken out loudly enough to be heard over the uproar of Zanu PF violence and intimidation. It is now on public record, the ordinary people of Zimbabwe envisage a changed political situation.
It is the duty and mandate of the MDC-T to continue to uphold these treasured aspirations of Zimbabweans by being seen by the people to be working for and towards change; by being seen to uphold the founding values, traditions and objectives for which the party was formed and which have made the MDC-T a force to reckon with.
Zanu PF would like the people to shy away from politics and concentrate on bread and butter issues. It is the duty of the MDC-T to mobilise, educate, inspire, motivate and instil confidence in the people in confronting Zanu PF head on to achieve genuine democratic change. This can only be achieved by the MDC-T being completely truthful and honest towards not just its supporters but every Zimbabwean. The MDC-T must continue to reach out to the people, to report to them truthfully, the opportunities and constraints which they see in this creature called the GNU.
The MDC-T must be on the ground, protecting and supporting all the activists who fall victim to Zanu PF violence and intimidation. The MDC-T can also reach the people through the civil society which, as l stated earlier — remains crucial.
Is it not clear whether Zanu PF is aiming for elections before reforms-and the MDC-T must have a strategy of how to deal with this in an effective manner apart from a boycott which although itself an effective delegitimisation strategy is not adequate enough to dislodge Zanu PF.
Thirdly, the MDC-T must intensify its efforts and continue to engage, lobby, inform and exchange ideas with primarily the region (Sadc), the continent (AU) and the broader international community. But foremost, it is crucial for the MDC-T to understand that South Africa is and will remain the gateway to their international strategy.
Fortunately, there are indications that the South Africans have taken a positional shift in as far as Zimbabwe is concerned. It appears they have abandoned a reformed Zanu PF agenda and are now seriously looking into the MDC-T as the best alternative for the people of Zimbabwe. This however entails that the MDC-T works even harder to prove themselves and take advantage of this opportunity. This stance is also informed by the South Africans’ desire to host a successful Fifa World Cup.
If the MDC-T does not take advantage of this critical timeframe, the situation might be different after the world cup. The MDC-T must take the South Africans and the region along in their political processes.
This means that they must show and prove to the region and the international community that Zanu PF has not dismantled militia bases since June 27, 2008. The evidence is there in abundance. It just needs to be documented and exposed. They must show that it is Mugabe who does not want sanctions removed. They must show that it is Zanu PF which is applying the law in a partisan manner, by denying swearing in a deputy minister-designate on the basis of serious charges while swearing in other ministers who face equally serious charges and bastardising the long-standing cardinal presumption of innocence until guilt is established beyond doubt by a competent court of law.
A week before the EU reviews its position on sanctions is the time which Mugabe chooses to direct ministers to report to the Vice-Presidents - clearly violating the GPA, is the time when he chooses to set militias to coerce people to adopt the Kariba Draft as a principal text of the constitution-making process. There is further evidence to show this.
There is need to keep talking, supporting and urging our colleagues in the MDC-T to keep their eyes on the ball and to fight astutely to the final end. If you are watching a race - to draw an analogy with athletics - you cheer your candidate to the end even when he is safely leading the race. We need to support and continue to urge the democratic actors in Zimbabwe not just to continue but to ensure that they continue to do and to stand for what is right.
BY PROMISE MKWANANZI
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