The cables harp on the fissures in Zanu PF, but for the first time, they reveal the extent to which President Robert Mugabe is isolated — that almost everyone in the party, including his vice-presidents, have had enough of the veteran ruler and would love to see his back.
But more spectacularly, the cables reveal that neither does Morgan Tsvangirai command the respect of top members of his party, who revealed to US embassy officials that their leader was out of his depth and did not have the capacity to lead the political movement.
MDC-T organising secretary, Nelson Chamisa is reported to have said that the Prime Minister’s Office was weak, while Obert Gutu described Tsvangirai as weak and indecisive.
The most damning appraisal, however, was from Roy Bennet, who claimed that Tsvangirai was badly advised and relied on communications mogul, Strive Masiyiwa, for counsel and the PM’s advisor was literally the last person who walked out of his door.
This seems to have been corroborated by Chamisa, who said Tsvangirai’s reliance on advice from US advisor, Melinda Farris, was causing tension in the party. MDC-T secretary general, Tendai Biti and Farris were reported to have been at odds.
Bennet also claimed that Tsvangirai was weak and indecisive, something that former US envoy to Zimbabwe, Christopher Dell, had also pointed out. Dell’s statements were easily dismissed. The party claimed that it was his opinion and that this was subjective.
But now that party stalwarts have also said the same, it sheds more light into the MDC-T leader’s conduct. The wave of denials from all those fingered in the leaks was predictable, if not obvious, but this is akin to closing the stables after the horses have bolted out.
Chamisa reaffirmed his support for Tsvangirai, while Gutu dismissed ever uttering the words attributed to him. MDC-T spokesman, Douglas Mwonzora said since last December, the party had resolved not to comment about WikiLeaks.
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But political analysts reckon this might not be the best move, as ignoring the leaks would weaken the way the party would handle future interpersonal relations. Political analyst, Ibbo Mandaza said criticism of the PM’s Office was predictable as this was a parallel structure that instead should be integrated into government.
“Ian Makone should be deputy to Misheck Sibanda — that way, the operations of the MDC-T and that of the government would be coordinated,” he said. “As it is, they are running a separate office and that weakens it.”
Makone heads the Prime Minister’s Office, while Sibanda is the chief secretary to the President and Cabinet. Mandaza said it was nothing new that the Prime Minister was weak, but it was damning that people who were supposed to take the baton from Tsvangirai thought that of him.
The political analyst, who three years ago was part of Mavambo/Kusile/Dawn, a third way movement, said the cables revealed that while both Mugabe and Tsvangirai claimed popularity, both were isolated and their presumed support could have been exaggerated.
But another analyst differed, saying it was curious that the latest cables affected the promising young politicians. “We don’t have to read much into the cables. Maybe they are machinations meant to destabilise the country,” Alexander Rusero said.
“The latest cables are only targeting promising politicians in the parties like Chamisa, Gutu, Saviour Kasukuwere and others in Zanu PF. “We cannot take anything they say for gospel truth.”
Wellington Gadzikwa, a media lecturer and analyst said the cables showed that politicians were not worth trusting as they did not subscribe to what they preach. “What they say in public is different from what they do during the night,” he said.
