IN 1980 all welfare societies were banned and the Kenya African National Union (Kanu) became a de jure single party system in Kenya. All ethnic and regional welfare societies were disbanded due to the fact that they acted as catalysts for political candidates. Even within Kanu itself, disciplinary wings were created so as to punish those who went against the president’s command.
Are the illegitimate recalls good for our democracy?
There is no doubt that the illegitimate recalls are a recipe for disaster. In fact the recalls are only meant to give Zanu PF a two-thirds majority in Parliament so that it can shred and reverse the constitutional achievements we recorded as a country when Zimbabwe adopted a new Constitution in May 2013.
The Constitution is a product of a protracted process which began before the year 2000 and a lot of political developments happened for the country to realise such a progressive Constitution. Neuberger (1974) argues that there are three important factors that determine a progressive political culture and they include; political stability, economic development and nation building. Most importantly there is need to allow some level of freedom and healthy political competition within whatever political framework adopted.
At the end of the day it all boils down to the essence of governance which is all about the structures and processes designed to ensure accountability, transparency, rule of law, respect of human rights, equity and inclusiveness, empowerment and broad-based participation through democratic and peaceful elections.
Any lessons for Zimbabwe from the Kanu scenario?
Using Kenya as a case study provides us with a scenario where the single party system degenerated into authoritarianism and thus becoming a hindrance to economic development.
President Emmerson Mnangagwa has been on a crusade preaching about nation building. All the efforts will remain lip-service if the country continues with these unprecedented political developments where crooks and criminals are allowed to recall elected Members of Parliament without any consequences.
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Nation building cannot be achieved where the freedom of members of the Legislature, interest groups, local authorities and other avenues of popular participation are curtailed.
Sengezo Tshabangu and cabal-inspired recalls, surveillance and the use of watchdogs will lead to fear and thus no real political competition and debate will ever happen in that multimillion-dollar Chinese-funded Mt Hampden Parliament. The remaining legislators will not have the freedom and dexterity to discuss issues of national interests and those who dare to challenge the status quo will not survive Tshabangu’s guillotine.
It is now a reality that chances of the opposition gaining power or to meaningfully contribute in Parliament have been thwarted by the unfavourable political framework in place.
Opposition members of Parliament except a few who are linked to Tshabangu are now as dead as dodo.
Zimbabwe marching towards one-party State
It must be placed on record that in August 2023 Zanu PF failed to achieve two-thirds majority in the National Assembly, winning 137 of the 210 National Assembly seats contested, with the Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC) managing 73. This was, however, reversed by the illegitimate and criminal acts of recalling legitimately elected members of Parliament by a fraudster claiming to be interim secretary-general of the opposition, Tshabangu. Zimbabweans will never forgive this man.
A one-party State can be de facto or de jure. If it is de facto, it means there are other political parties in existence but one particular party overshadows all other parties. Zimbabwe has become a de facto one party State. This is evident because the activities of the main opposition have been completely outlawed such that opposition Members of Parliament are recalled by unknown individuals.
Secondly, the chances of the opposition to meaningfully provide checks and balances have been thwarted by the unfavourable legal framework in place.
One party dominance in Parliament is undemocratic. It can degenerate into a dictatorship. Our Parliament has created a situation where little room is left for the existence of opposition parties. For that reason, if the ruling party goes wrong it cannot be criticised and no meaningful debate will ever take place in that Parliament.
Astute and experienced politicians are resigning en masse and some are recalled. Very few people will contribute their quota to the development of the State because their ideological orientation is symmetrically opposed to that of the ruling party.
Checks and balances on the power of government
There is a tendency for the government to become corrupt and to shield corrupt government officials.
Apathy
Where one party stays in power for too long and there is no alternative for the citizenry to resort to, people become less concerned about what goes on in the country and this may lead to political apathy. For example, February 3, 2024 by-elections held in Pelandaba- Tshabalala constituency depicts voter apathy.
Joseph Tshuma from Zanu PF garnered 1 845 votes and was declared winner in a constituency with more than 10 000 people who are registered as voters.
In addition, the operation of one-party system for a long time may lead to abuse of human rights since there will be no checks and balances. Zimbabwe’s human rights record is not clean as government has been accused of violating and infringing the rights of citizens for a very long time.
In conclusion, one party dominance in Zimbabwe has been perpetuated by a plethora of tactics such as electoral manipulation, crushing of opposition political parties, undue influence of the Judiciary, use of State resources for party activities, resource capture and control patronage and clientelism.
- Leo Chamahwinya is a human rights defender based in Harare. He writes here in his own personal capacity
