I was listening to brother Chris Mustvangwa’s so-called press-conference on July 21.
The conference, supposed to elaborate on the achievements of President Emmerson Mnanagwgwa’s trip to the international economic exposition in Japan quickly deteriorated into a long-winded history lecture, lasting over an hour year.
I did not see any prepared press release. The brother spoke from his head (which is full of water).
There was no pretense to the material having gone through an editorial board.
Yet, Brother Chris is one of those angels in Zanu PF who have access and can dine with the arch-angels themselves.
The moral of the story is that these brothers live in alternative reality, a world which has no relevance to the facts in Zimbabwe today.
This is the world into which, Brother Kuda Tagwirei is zealous to enter and contribute.
The attacks against Brother Tagwirei say very little about his international business expertise and sanctions busting acumen.
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Chris is joined by another of these Zanu PF apparatchiks, George Charamba, a man whom the late president Robert Mugabe placed much trust.
George was the first to jump ship at a time of Mugabe’s most need.
The attack is based on the premise that Tagwirei could not have made his fortune without being corrupt.
I want to reverse that equation.
I have just entertained a high court judge from Nigeria, who does not wish to return home.
In such circumstances, government authorities will approach a successful businessman, say some one with international trade experience.
“We have estimated that our military needs 25 000 litres per week of petrol,” the Nigerian will say. “We have noticed your acumen. We expect your tender application next week, as we are looking for a new supplier.”
Please dear reader, notice, it is not Eric Awolede (name slightly altered) who approached the government.
This is very important. While it is true that Tagwirei became the “front name” of command agriculture, it is so-called because the military hijacked the idea. They seconded and imbedded at least two officers to every district supply centre so that war veterans and other favoured persons were served first.
When Mukuru assumed power in November 2017, five brand new tractors, 10 tons of fertilisers and other inputs were “revealed” (Zimbabwe English) to have been siloed at a Mazowe farm belonging to a high official in the Ministry of Agriculture.
I went to school with this young man’s father. I will not betray his name.
In the Nigerian case above, the crunch comes when the government official says to Awolede.
“We need one million litres every month…say about US$2 per liter. That should be satisfactory. We will discuss the details later.”
That price is exactly four times what a litre costs when bought directly from the refinery.
As we speak, a very high official in the Reserve Bank of Nigeria has been arrested in the US for international infractions.
The issue here is not that the lowly businessman, Scott Sakupwanya, Sir Wicknell Chivayo or our own Brother Tagwireyi are corrupt.
Please bear this in mind. If these brothers are to blame, it is that they have allowed themselves to be exploited by very high government officials.
Take the Nigerian example. The official referred to was arrested in Atlanta after he had bought a Boing 747 and was hanging around instead of disappearing back to Nigeria.
The reason I admire Kuda Tagwirei and war veteran Fabian Mabaya is that these two have decided to live in their own country.
If a businessman decides to live in Zimbabwe, he must develop a huge tolerance to vice and corruption.
There is no way out of it.
Mutumwa Mawere is no less than a genius. When he bought Mashaba Mines at the age of 34, his trajectory to greatness was interrupted by his refusal to become Masvingo Province Zanu PF treasurer.
If he refused, Zanu PF would withdraw his business license. If he accepted, the demands on his attention and finance were already intolerable.
Chefs flew to Johannesburg, stayed in hotels and sent him bills to pay.
Patrick Chinamasa was responsible for drafting a legal document terminating his mining license.
That is why they are called cruel choices.
Take a simple example. Driving from Masvingo to Harare is 250 miles. There are eight police road blocks. In my research on the Life and Times of Robert Mugabe, I thought that the fleecing of motorists was unknown to police Commissioner Augustine Chihuri and president Mugabe.
When professor George Kahari reviewed my research, he almost fell down from his chair. Chihuri was “alleged” to have amassed US$30 million from those police road blocks.
In one instance, a police superintendent “allegedly” told me he was supposed to bring US$1 500 per day.
There is a book on developing countries by John Brown entitled “Cruel Choices.”
Every Zimbabwean has to make do with these cruel choices on a daily choice. Having lived in Jamaica before returning to Zimbabwe in 1980, I had an idea of what the choices were.
I left the country.
Tagwirei, in my opinion, has a soul. I believe that if he has any chance of ever finding himself in Father Abraham’s bosom, his contribution is best made through business rather than through politics.
Several years ago, I wrote to him suggesting that as I was passing through Harare from the airport, I was going to visit him and pay my respects on my way to Masvingo.
Dr Edison Zvobgo had drilled in me the ubuntu custom of “paying respects.”
He left a little note and a US$50 petrol voucher. “Ken, I will be out of town. Continue to do the good work. Enjoy.”
Such small acts of kindness reflect on a man’s character and vision.
While I wish him well in the company of stalwart, disciplined and uncompromising Zanu PF sinners, I fear for his soul.
*Ken Mufuka is a Zimbabwean patriot. He writes from the US.
